Understanding Muslim Mobilities and Gender | Viola Thimm - oculo-facial-surgery.info
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The liner notes are quoted and analyzed in chapter 5. First Encounters 7 heterogeneous musical scene in which tensions inherent to Israeli and Palestinian existence are played out. The musical focus of the scene may limit its political effectiveness in practical terms but endows it with considerable emotional power. Putting themselves in the spotlight, the performers model sociopolitical as well as cultural possibilities for the future.
Genesis and Structure of This Book The truism that all books are products of their time is particularly apt for this one. Musicians told me that their situation was frustrating on various levels. I was unaware that Israeli sociologist Motti Regev was working on a similar project around that time Regev The Israel Broadcasting Authority orchestra for Arab music included Jews and Arabs who sometimes performed together for private concerts, too.
In two Israeli Jewish and Arab musicians performed a song about peace together Perelson Returning in the early s I found that almost all of the Arab musicians I knew were entering into partnerships with Jewish musicians. Arab musicians living within Israel were not constrained by the intifada but were also genuinely excited to be opening up new aesthetic ground in contrast to the relative stagnation of the local Arab musical scene and what they perceived as the constrained and imitative nature of much other Israeli music, which took—and to a large extent continues to take—its cues from American and European trends.
As I studied the intersecting paths of Jewish and Arab musicians in Israel a host of new issues arose. Hybrid musical ensembles, styles, forms, and performances are not only of great intrinsic musical interest but offer excellent opportunities for examining interaction.
There were so many social and cultural divides to bridge, so many opportunities for misunderstandings and for making explicit the assumptions that are often hidden from view in more conventional settings. Musicians differed in the types of music they knew how to play, their formal training, the directions they wanted to explore, their ability and desire to use notation, their engagement with or distaste for popular music or religious music, and so on.
This was neither a long-established musical tradition, with a body of theory to explicate or conventions awaiting deduction and precise formulation, nor a highly mediated popular music driven by the music industry, though elements of both were present.
I began with what I knew best, studying Overtly political songs were permitted by the leaders of the intifada but did not provide a means to earn a living. The musicians studied here rejected such songs. First Encounters 9 competence and interaction, then followed what seemed most important about the musicians and what they were doing. It is also a book about that world, as seen from the passionate viewpoints of the participants. I write this as an American who has spent some eight years in Israel at various times from the late s to the present, who has family and friends both Arabs and Jews in Israel, who has studied and taught in Israeli universities, and who has been dismayed and disgusted by the callousness, zealotry, and violent actions of those who would set the terms by which all shall live or die.
Neither Palestinians nor Israelis are going to pack up and move away or acquiesce in their own disappearance. Some compromise is imperative. Still hoping for a resolution other than walls of separation, I believe that the people who are the subject of this book have contributed to the possibility of a better future.
By the very act of collaborating artistically they pointed to the possibility of compromise and coexistence. It is premature to judge their efforts a failure.
This is almost an eyewitness account: This same depth means that I am not a completely neutral observer. I write here about people for whom I care a great deal and music that I enjoy and value highly. They have earned Handelman and Shamgar-Handelman I have advocated for them and some of them have attempted to draw me into their internal arguments. The scene is too small and the performers are too individualized to disguise identities.
To do so would be unfair, in any case, for these musicians deserve wider recognition. My respect for them as people and artists also suggests a limit on analysis that would descend into psychoanalysis. Thus, I have aimed for balance and some distance, weighing the claims, both overt and tacit, of the various parties to this absorbing cultural marketplace while trying to steer clear of hagiography, authorial omniscience, and the elevated podium of the infallible critic and arbiter of musical taste.
I taught ethnomusicology in Israel from to During the same period I also directed the Workshop for Non-Western Music, a program that presented concerts, lecture-demonstrations, occasional workshops, and ongoing classes. Various musical practices were included in our programs, but the centerpiece was always Arab music, primarily the Egyptian-centered mainstream of twentieth-century Middle Eastern music.
But when I embarked on the research I opted for the role of interlocutor over participant performer. This was due to the brevity of my research trips and to a desire to maintain some distance and perspective. All this contributes to a subject position that is more complex than the already complex norm of ethnomusicological research.
But I write also in the belief that what these people have done makes a difference in both artistic and sociopolitical terms.
I do not offer a comprehensive portrait of Israeli or Palestinian music, culture, or people. This book is also unusual in that its topic is not a particular genre or style, but a group of musicians who are united by common challenges to which they have responded in diverse ways. Like these musicians, this book does not have clear precedents or a ready-made home.
These musicians pursue success, but not on the terms of the popular music industry which hardly notices their existence. Nonetheless, they have made choices shaped to a large degree by the industry—sometimes in conscious opposition to it, sometimes in tacit acceptance of its dominance—including patterns of distribution, audience expectations, performance venues, and so on.
The participants in these exchanges vary greatly in training, experience, assumptions, and expectations. The professional situations of Arab and Jewish musicians contrast in crucial ways, in socioeconomic and political spheres as well as in the realms of aesthetic values, musical competence and interaction. While the most obvious gap is that between Jews and Arabs, it is by no means the only division.
Some of the differences between these musicians have little if anything to do with social identity and everything to do with musical training and interests. Due to this complexity I begin by sketching a sociocultural map in order to show how individuals navigate this terrain as musicians, listeners, and human beings.
To do so is to speak in terms of paths, convergences, and borders to be crossed. The social terrain must be understood not only in terms of the ethnic, religious, and regional identities of musicians and audiences, but also in terms of social networks, some of which are transnational in scope.
The next part of this chapter offers an orientation to this complexity of people, politics, and place. This is particularly true in Israel and neighboring areas where so much depends upon identity.
Every Arab musician discussed in this book has basic things in common with millions of other Arabs, including language and many aspects of cultural heritage. Much the same could be said of the musicians who are Israeli Jews. Each one is an individual with particular views on political and cultural issues, particular allegiances, and so on.
Thus while analysis of identity is not my primary goal, the subject must be addressed in order to problematize common labels and dispel the assumptions that they embody. Chapter 2 concerns Palestinian musicians playing Arab music in Israel and the West Bank in the last decades of the twentieth century, while chapter 3 is a summary of other musical options within Israel in that same period. Musicians are the focus of part II, with particular attention given to three clusters: These provide three reference points around which to chart larger networks of musicians, institutions, and audiences.
They are dissimilar enough to demonstrate the variety of initiatives and responses possible in the circumstances of this time and place, but they share the aforementioned challenge of discovering ways to bridge some of the same sociocultural divides. Their trajectories reveal much about the workings of Israeli society, not only as it bears on the arts, but as it shapes the possibilities for musicians from particular social backgrounds.
Chapters 4 and 5 outline the histories of Alei Hazayit and Bustan Abraham, with some basic observations about each group, leading to a comparison of the two bands in chapter 6. The discussion of the larger network of musicians within which these performers work begins in chapter 7, with the numerous connections forged by Yair Dalal, expanding in chapter 8 to the larger network in which Alei Hazayit and Bustan Abraham were also enmeshed.
The pair of chapters in part III offers a closer examination of the creative processes of these musicians from two perspectives. Chapter 9 concerns the musical resources that Alei Hazayit, Bustan Abraham, and Yair Dalal utilized, their methods for combining elements of various musical practices, and the mediation and reception of their efforts by promoters and critics. Part IV begins with issues of representation in chapter 11, which concerns the meanings that musicians and others in the production network have conveyed through recordings, texts, and visual aspects of representation.
People, Places, Politics The dynamics of collaboration, representation, and appropriation create new, complicated political and subject positions that shift with increasing frequency. Like almost everything else in Israel and the Palestinian territories, terminology is hotly contested. Saying that one person is an Israeli, another a Palestinian, for instance, is to resort to stereotypical categories that evoke sets of largely unquestioned characteristics and to imply stark divisions.
Yet it is precisely this complexity that is reduced to stark black and white contrasts, with few shades of gray, when broadcast to the outside world. Although many people maintain rigidly categorized views of themselves and others, the It is not my intent to settle the differences or discuss exhaustively the labels, only to clarify my own usage in these pages.
Numerous books and articles address these issues from many points on the political spectrum. In later chapters we shall see how particular musicians shape and present themselves in relation to varying contexts, fellow performers, and audiences. This chapter introduces some of the basic distinctions and groups through which people construct identities. Ethnic, religious, and national labels present the thorniest conundrum.
As it is impossible to elucidate all of these differences in a single chapter, I will sketch the dimensions of identity here, leaving it to later chapters to demonstrate how complex and variable this can be for an individual, while examining its relevance to musical choices and understandings.
Palestinians are a minority in Israel, but as Arabs they are part of an encompassing majority. Thus, the label Palestinian plays down the latter strength in favor of a highly localized identity, while Arab asserts a large-scale ethnic identity but denies or downplays Palestinian nationalist aspirations.
Palestinian is a newer identity, as George Bisharat notes: Bisharat notes the instrumentality of Palestinian identity as a means to an end rather than an end in itself. To say that someone is an Israeli often implies that she or he is a Jew, yet over one million Israeli citizens are not, including non-Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union.
- Playing across a Divide: Israeli-Palestinian Musical Encounters
- Elder Of Ziyon - Israel News
Arab citizens of Israel are referred to as Israeli Arabs by the Israeli government and by most Jewish Israelis; some Most of these terms do not lose much by translation into English from Arabic and Hebrew, though a complete linguistic analysis would surely turn up some important exceptions. Sabra Hebrew tsabar is the term for native-born Israeli Jews.
First Encounters 15 may self-identify with this label in certain circumstances while using Palestinian or Arab in others. To some the term Israeli Arab denotes acceptance of Israeli dominion and should therefore be avoided; to others it is a simple statement of citizenship and social milieu. She cites a survey by Nadim Rouhana in which Palestinian university students in Israel, asked to self identify, chose various combinations of the words Palestinian, Arab, Israel, and Israeli.
Even the most outspoken atheist, if born a Jew, will be categorized as such on identity papers. The labels Christian and Muslim are likewise applied to whole communities, only some of whose members actively practice their religion with any degree of orthodoxy. Thus, to say that someone is a Jew or an Israeli Jew need not imply that the person is pious or even religious at all.
The lives of most Israelis are secular most of the time in most ways. External forms of religious observance are common—recognition of the main holidays, perhaps Friday night candle lighting, even superstitious invocation of the name of God15—but there is a huge gulf between such people and the orthodox, who have been a politically powerful minority since the foundation of the state and have recently grown greatly in number and strength.
As most of the people central to this book are secular in outlook, I shall use the term Jew as an ethnic label, referring to a basically secular outlook informed by a Jewish background. The few religious Jews in this scene will be noted as such where pertinent. Distinctions among Jews are based on origins, culture, and religious practices. Although the predominantly socialist, secular, and Eastern European early immigrants differed greatly in sociopolitical outlook both from the religious Jews already living in Palestine and from the Central and Western I have noticed a marked increase in the use of the formula im yirtze hashem by secular Jews.
This label has traditionally distinguished Jewish religious practice concentrated in Central and Eastern Europe from other Jewish sects.
Its utility as a social category in Israel has severe limitations.
The Jews who came to Israel, mainly in the s, from North Africa, the Middle East, and Central Asia are similarly lumped together in large categories: These refugees settled in North Africa and around the rim of the Mediterranean all the way to Greece, Turkey, and the Balkans. Today the term Sephardi is often used loosely and ahistorically to denote all non-European Jews. Perhaps the biggest problem with the use of these labels is the rendering of Jewish Israeli society in terms of an opposition between two monoliths: Musician Nitzan Peri expressed the same position: In a pro-Palestinian journal, Ella Shohat has explored the construction of Mizrahi by the Israeli establishment as a category to cut Arab Jews off from their roots in Arab lands See also Kanaaneh It ignores the large number of second, third, or fourth generation Israeli Jews of mixed descent and the differentiation of Jews of Middle Eastern, North African, and European origin according to time and conditions of immigration and absorption into Israeli society, not to mention political and religious orientation.
Still, the choice to turn off is made by those turning off. And evangelical support is a lame excuse to turn off, as there is no mandatory either-or situation when it comes to supporting Israel.
Jews can support Israel. Evangelicals can support Israel. One does not negate the other — unless you want it to.
Palestinian Lives Matter Last week, I wrote a piece lamenting the fact that tens of thousands of Palestinians were being manipulated by a murderous terrorist organization to risk their lives for no other reason than its maniacal commitment to the destruction of the state of Israel. Many readers, including some former friends, wrote to tell me that I was a heartless monster for failing to sufficiently empathize with the Palestinians, and the accusation stung: Call it a reality-based thought experiment.
Imagine a government, run by a bloodthirsty dictator, who bombed a heavily populated urban area containing hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, reducing it to rubble. Furthermore, imagine that this benighted regime offered these poor Palestinians, the descendants of refugees living in squalor because of generations of systemic discrimination, two choices: Be ethnically cleansed from your makeshift neighborhoods, or continue to be bombed and gassed from the air until only a few thousand of you are left in the ruins.
How would you react? It ought to be a no-brainer: Covers in The New York Times condemning the massacre, impassioned pleas for justice from Senator Bernie Sanders, an emergency gathering of the UN Security Council, and prayer circles of progressive Jews all over the world, reciting the Kaddish for the murdered and chanting about Tikkun Olam.Reflexive, Symmetric and Transitive Examples
In fact, none of these things would happen. They issued a peculiar statement. While not directly critical of the prime minister, they unequivocally condemned and held Hamas responsible for the deaths and injuries at border clashes.
It seems that Trudeau tapped two rookie Liberal MPs, of a total of in his caucus, to be the fig leaves for what seems to be a rather bifurcated and confusing policy on Israel. Hamas, like Hizballah, Syria, the Houthis, is yet another Iranian proxy. On social media, Mr. He tends to express himself in a sweeping, imprecise manner, oft-repeating distaste for the obsessive bullying of Israel in international forums.
All of which is laudable. And he likes to say things about what good friends Canada and Israel are, but that even good friends can, sometimes, disagree. Indeed, and those are likely the lines he trotted out when he spoke on the telephone with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu one day after his written thrashing of Israel following the Loubani incident. What Prime Minister Trudeau does not say, in this case, is far more important than what he does.
Behind the Smokescreen Part II - Exclusive footage from Gaza After the tremendous success of the short movie Behind the Smoke Screen, which shows exclusive footage from inside the Gaza Strip and has been viewed over two million times so far, filmmaker Pierre Rehov produced a sequel sub-titled The Great Deception.
The video shows Palestinian protesters holding a map of Israel including the Golan Heights, West Bank and Gaza overlaid with a Palestinian flag echoing the goal of Hamas specified in its charter, to conquer every last bit of Israel.
Behind The Smoke Screen 2 final version While the UN is condemning Israel for defending itself against terror organization Hamas, the rest of the world has fallen into the Muslim terrorists' propaganda. Those images speak for themselves. The so called "Palestinians" have one ambition.
Their supporters have the same. The tens of thousands of Palestinians gathered on the border are anything but peaceful, however. Terrorist organization Hamas, which controls Gaza, frequently uses civilians as a shield to carry out attacks, and its leader heavily encouraged residents to join in protest. Without a police force, the ICC would have to depend on Israel arresting and punishing its own citizens, to comply with a verdict made thousands of miles away and with no reasonable authority.
Looking at the region, Livni identified Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas, as threats based on their religious ideology that does not accept the right of Israel to exist. This breakdown, Livni argued, presented Israel with an opportunity to present a united front with the Sunni Arab states. What limits more active and public cooperation between Israel and its potential Arab allies is the Palestinian issue.
The Blame Game Israel undoubtedly took a substantial hit in much of the media as a result of the recent Gaza border violence. Questions are now being asked as to why it appears that Israel was unable to effectively tell its side of the story to the journalists on the ground and editors in the newsrooms around the globe.
Playing across a Divide: Israeli-Palestinian Musical Encounters - PDF Free Download
We know from our own bitter experience that some media outlets will almost always run with the Palestinian narrative and perhaps no amount of explanation on the part of Israeli officials will turn this around.
The Times of Israel also surveyed whether the PR battle was unwinnable or just mismanaged. On the other hand, there is still plenty of blame laid at the door of the media themselves.
His comments are right on point. Gareth has received a lot of flack for his stance, especially given that South Africa is not exactly friendly to Israel, which is something I am sure he knew would happen. So props to Gareth for choosing truth over popularity. The Times news columns had been insisting that the suicide-riots to use a term I picked up from a Weekly Standard editorial were drawing international sympathy and attention to the Palestinian cause.
And they now find the world paying attention as they use disproportionate force to prevent what they believe could be a catastrophic breach in the Gaza fence. People are fed up with it. My own sense is that on this particular point — measuring the scope, severity, and gravity of overall world reaction to the Gaza riots — Friedman has a more accurate perception of it and is closer to the truth of the matter than the Times news columns are.
Hamas has, however, been involved in their organisation from the outset and has laid on transport and promised financial compensation to casualties and participants. Viewers heard from a doctor at the Shifa hospital before the report ended: Crying, bleeding, pain, painful. Presenter Sarah Montague introduced the item from UN Human Rights Council: IDF soldier critically injured by stone slab dropped on him in West Bank An IDF soldier from an elite unit was critically wounded early Thursday morning when a stone block was dropped on him at a Palestinian refugee camp in the West Bank, the military said.
The soldier served in the elite Duvdevan Unit, which operates extensively in the West Bank. The assailant was not arrested. The military said it launched an investigation into the incident and that additional details were still being established. The sites of the other homes were not specified.